Caribbean Passport

Commentary: CARICOM passport - a joke

Published on Friday, December 19, 2008 Email
By Sir Ronald Sanders
Source Caribbean Net News

Dominica’s Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit says the current situation in which holders of Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) passports are not enjoying any real attendant benefits is “almost laughable”.

The situation is not “almost” laughable. It is laughable.

The CARICOM passports provide not one more practical benefit than the national passports of the CARICOM member countries. At the airports of some CARICOM countries, many holders of CARICOM passports are subject to the same scrutiny, the same suspicion and the same grilling by immigration officers that they endured prior to the adoption of the passport by some CARICOM states.

The CARICOM passport does not even provide the “symbolism” of one-Caribbean people that it was supposed to engender. If anything, it does the opposite by emphasizing that, despite the fact that CARICOM has existed for 35 years, there remains no welcome mat at the doorstep of many CARICOM countries for the people of their partner states.

In the official literature related to the Caribbean Single Market (CSM), it says that CARICOM enjoys “free movement of goods, services, capital and people”. A quarrel could be picked and won on the motion that none of these categories of free movement exist, but on the last of them – people – most of all.

The reality is that CARICOM is a single market “in the making”, and one that is being made very slowly despite the urgency that has existed for some time to get on with its completion.

North Americans and Europeans enjoy far greater freedom of everything in CARICOM states than CARICOM nationals do. And, the recently signed Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and individual CARICOM states will give European companies and individuals greater freedom, rights and protections in CARICOM countries than CARICOM governments give to companies and individuals of their own states.

Some governments will point out that there are groups within their countries who, through their own insecurities, are virulently anti CARICOM nationals. That is so. But no government should pander to such short-sighted insularity. Instead, they should educate their populations about the importance of deeper CARICOM integration for their own survival. They ought not to pretend – as some do - that they possess some unidentified magic formula to prosper on their own for it is simply not true.

Governments, who indulge in this pretence, do their people an enormous disservice. If people conduct their lives in the belief that they have no need to worry, when the crunch comes, they will be fatally unprepared.

Two points are worth making here.

First, in the case of many CARICOM countries, a significant portion of their exports of manufactured goods and services relies on the CARICOM market. If the CARICOM markets bought elsewhere, these countries would suffer – a fact that many governments fail to tell their people.

Second, if CARICOM nationals in many CARICOM states were to leave, the economies of these states would decline in myriad ways. Not only would they lose skilled and unskilled labour that they need, they would lose the taxes these people pay, the services they use such as rented houses, and the money they spend in the economy on items such as food, clothing, transportation, utilities, and medical care.

In this regard, the authorities in all CARICOM countries should be mindful of the importance of according to CARICOM nationals, who are legitimately living and working in their states, the rights and respect to which they are entitled. They should not be treated as “second-class”; they should not be exploited and they should have the same rights of protection as any legitimate resident in the country. Picking-up people in the middle of the night and deporting them without due process is not right or legal; nor is deporting people who are legitimately waiting for a work permit to be renewed. This is especially so when the only people treated in this way are those from the Caribbean.

It should also be clearly understood by all that at some time in the not too distant future, all CARICOM countries will be confronted by the stark reality that they cannot survive on their own. In the cycle of livelihood, some countries have enjoyed the upswings that have come from preferential markets and official development assistance –both of which are declining fast. In the enjoyment of the temporary upswing, they seem to have forgotten that CARICOM’s small and vulnerable economies are not sufficiently well endowed or diversified to survive on their own, and the downturns come. And when they come, they do so with a vengeance.

Were the countries of CARICOM a genuine Single Market in which free movement of goods, services, capital and people were a reality, they might have a better chance of survival. As one small example, think of what would have happened in the mighty United States in the present financial crisis, if it was not a single market and economy and each of its 51 states had to struggle for itself.

Businesses in CARICOM states have long recognised the value of a Single Market with free movement of goods, services, capital and people. If there were free movement in all these areas, they know that CARICOM would be a stronger entity today better able to cope with the world economic crisis.

And, on the matter of free movement of people, businesses know that they would have a wider pool of people on whom to draw for the knowledge and skills they need to compete both in the global community and in their own domestic market where, increasingly, they have to fend off foreign competition. The most apt analogy is the West Indian Cricket team. If we can’t find 11 globally competitive players in all the CARICOM states together, how will we each find them from within our individual borders?

The truth is that the issue of movement of CARICOM nationals between all CARICOM countries can be settled if CARICOM becomes a genuine Single Market with freedom of movement of all the factors of production including labour. Both the gain and the pain will be shared by all.


Sir Ronald Sanders is a business executive and former Caribbean diplomat who publishes widely on small states in the global community. Reponses to:
ronaldsanders29@hotmail.com

Cracks in CARICOM

Cracks in CARICOM

Source: Freeport News

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Published: Thursday, July 31, 2008

The Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) was convened during the first week of July in Antigua and Barbuda and the discussion on the European Partnership Agreement (EPA), among other items, gave some indication of the growing discord in the CARICOM integration movement.

Guyana, which claimed it had the most to lose if the current EPA deal was sealed without amendment, remained stubborn throughout the meeting.

It argued that the EPA would give Europe a favoured trading partner status that could adversely affect trade agreements with other parts of the world; a position not dissimilar to sentiments expressed locally in The Bahamas on the proposed agreement.

They also argued that the discriminating preferential trade agreements offered by the European Union were incompatible with the World Trade Organization's (WTO) rules and they therefore urged the Community to consider a renegotiation of the deal.

On the matters of the freedom of movement and the single market, there still appears to be wide differences. Complaints about the humiliating treatment of CARICOM nationals by immigration authorities in some countries were lodged and the question was raised as to whether the hassle-free travel envisioned in the revised treaty of Chaguramas would ever materialize.

Some countries revealed that they do not yet have the national capacity to implement all the requirements of the single market and economy, particularly at this time when the region is facing, perhaps, some of its greatest challenges inclusive of escalating food and energy prices.
The CARICOM Treaty requires each member state to take the necessary constitutional and legislative steps to enable the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) as the final Court of Appeal for the Community; many states have not done so yet nor are there any visible efforts on their part to do so in the near future.

Indeed, it was observed that none of the members of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Kitts, et al) have yet committed to the process. Indeed, most of these sovereign states have in fact signed on to the Bolivian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), which is the President of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez's creation as the regional trading arrangement to replace, or in his words, to destroy, the Free Trade of the Americas (FTAA) process which was developed by the Americans on former President Clinton's watch.
ALBA, which has a substantial economic aid component, is regarded by some Caribbean countries as a historic watershed in the relations between Latin America and the Caribbean; others are much more cynical and feel that the effort would be better spent in forging stronger ties within the region.

Although Venezuela is in favour of higher oil prices as a way of punishing the United States, it has provided through Petrocaribe, an oil-price support program, the means by which some Caribbean states could obtain relief.

Those states, by the way, are also taking full advantage of the Petroleum Development Fund which was established by sister Caribbean nation, Trinidad and Tobago, for virtually the same purpose.

While the Caribbean integration movement is by no means at a standstill, the cracks in the ambitious wall of the single market and economy appear to be widening over time as opposed to narrowing with maturity, as was the case with the European Union, the organization upon which it was modelled.

One head of state at the meeting summed it up rather eloquently by blaming "the politics of limited regional engagement in Jamaica...; the politics of ethnicity in Trinidad and Guyana...; separation among large sections of the Barbadian populace...; and, the CULTIVATED ALOOFNESS FROM THE REGIONAL ENTERPRISE BY THE BAHAMAS.

Where there is no strategy the people perish

Where there is no strategy the people perish
Wednesday, May 28, 2008

Source: Jamaica Observer Editorial

The popular Biblical admonition says that "where there is no vision the people perish". We would like to add, for the sake of Caricom, that a vision is no use unless there is a strategy to realise it.

Let's face it, the Caricom countries have not perished, but economic growth has been disappointing, to say the least. The exceptions are those blessed with energy resources or those who shelter funds avoiding taxation and scrutiny. The fragile economic foundations of Caricom countries are being threatened by a combination of escalating prices for oil and food, the recession in the US economy, crime and drug trafficking.

For the past half-a-century, the region has sought to enhance growth and structural diversification by various forms of collective action. The template has, for the last 30 years, been the deepening degrees of economic integration, with the current incarnation being the Caricom Single Market and Economy (CSME) which sets out broad goals and principles.But we should not need to stress that for the CSME to be a vehicle of economic progress there must be a development strategy, which, to date, has been absent, as evident in the lack of preparedness to engage constructively in pursuing the new export opportunities.

This glaring failure is highlighted by the recent angst over the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union. Even more worrying is the steady decline in the ability to supply the local market, resulting in increasing imports. Take the case of domestic food production: the region's agriculture ministers were recently in Guyana, desperately and belatedly devising a response to the food crisis. Their response will constitute an emergency version of the Jagdeo Initiative for agriculture, but what is needed is an overall development strategy.

The region needs a new development strategy that goes beyond the CSME paradigm. We must stop recycling politically correct platitudes that are unrelated to the national, regional and global realities. The recommendations of "Towards a Development Vision and the Role of the Single Economy" bear a remarkable similarity to those that informed the West Indies Federation of the middle of the last century. It is devoid of fresh thinking and offers nothing useful that can help the governments of the region with the fundamental problems of crime, unemployment, dependence on imported food and the exponential increase in the price of oil.

We urge that a new development strategy be formulated by the end of this year, based on new, solutions-oriented thinking. Which means avoiding 'rounding up the usual suspects' to regurgitate the past. A creative, technically sound and intellectually virile team must be commissioned to chart a practical course to overcome the challenges facing the region.

The Heads of Government must convene a special session to agree on the development strategy for the next decade. The agenda for this meeting must be free of perennial items such as cricket - sacrilegious as this might sound - and a Caricom passport. We must avoid paralysis by analysis and end the tendency to note work done and commission additional work.

To ensure effective implementation of the strategy, a new governance structure for Caricom is critical and, as we have said before, must involve a reorganisation of the Caricom Secretariat based on a management audit by a reputable firm. This, for obvious reasons, is not a task for officials from member states or former employees of the Caricom Secretariat.

EPA Conundrum

The EPA conundrum
ANTHONY GOMES

Jamaica Observer

Wednesday, May 21, 2008

There are strident calls for the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA), due to be signed by Cariforum in July, to be amended, varied or simply not signed. Any possible renegotiation of the treaty, it is acknowledged, might come at a potentially intolerable cost. The strongest demand for change emanates from within the academic community that has raised certain valid issues, which should have been addressed earlier during the negotiations that officially ended on December 31, 2007.

The legal status of initialled EPAs, currently Cariforum's situation, is described by Dr Lorand Bartels, lecturer in International Law and Fellow of Trinity Hall, University of Cambridge. The following relevant excerpts are informative: "Under international law, initialling an agreement demonstrates that the text is authentic and definitive, ready for signature, or although unusual, ready for provisional application. But an initialled text does not itself impose any obligations on the parties. The parties to an agreement are only under an obligation to implement its terms once it has entered into force, which takes place upon ratification or after ratification, if this is specified in the treaty (as it is in the interim and full EPAs). On signature (but not on initialling), a country enters into an obligation not to defeat its object and purpose prior to its entry into force.

"Provisional application may subsequently be terminated by notifying the other party. However, terminating the provisional application of an agreement may indicate an intention not to ratify the agreement, which could result in the EU withdrawing the preferences it had already granted.

Therefore, if parties have concerns about content of the agreements, it may be advisable to refrain from provisional application until the dispute clauses are first revised". It is not known if Cariforum intends to apply the agreement provisionally, but the above caution is worthy of note.
"WTO law sets minimum requirements covering free trade in goods. It does not require the inclusion of liberalisation "multiplier" clauses, such as MFN or standstill clauses. Moreover, the WTO Transparency Decision specifically provides for the possibility of renegotiating an already notified agreement. This has been done on five occasions to date. The only requirements are that the renegotiated agreement be re-notified to the WTO and that it remain WTO legal. This leaves a great deal of scope for renegotiating aspects of the agreements which are not required for WTO legality (for example, the MFN clause and the standstill clauses could be removed without compromising WTO validity)."

According to this dictum, there is room for renegotiation of some aspects of the EPA, but at what price? However, the MFN clause is one of the major concerns for Cariforum and certain third countries, notably Brazil, that has already referred the issue to the WTO for debate.

Professor Bartels continues: "Arguably, it would be unreasonable to hold an ACP country to a standard higher than that which the EU member states apply in their own treaty practice. Consequently, there is a case that a minimum of four years between signature and ratification would be a "reasonable period of time" for an ACP country to endorse the agreement. ACP countries are not precluded by treaty law or WTO law from renegotiating initialled agreements, so long as the resulting agreement is still WTO legal."

This then is an avenue to be explored if COTED decides to move for selected amendments. The main thrust of the implementation plan, however, should be to exploit successfully the opportunities created by eventually signing the agreement.

Another concern raised by observers is the loss of sovereignty relative to the powers vested in the Joint Cariforum-EC Ministerial Council, the principal institution for oversight of the operation and implementation of the agreement. Its functions include examining proposals and recommendations for the review of the agreement. To attain the objectives of the agreement, the council shall have the power to take decisions in respect of all matters covered by the EPA. The specific reference to the council's powers relative to the EPA seems designed to exclude reference to the authority and jurisdiction of The Revised Treaty of Chaguaramus and the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). It remains possible, however, that at some time these institutions could be opposed on certain unforeseen overlapping issues.

Other critical points cited were the limiting of Caricom's "policy space", that is the amount of flexibility available for manoeuvre in policy formulation by the Joint Council and its three other supporting institutions, that is, the Joint Cariforum-EC Implementation Committee, The Joint Cariforum-EC Development Committee and The Joint Cariforum-EC Consultative Committee.

Another criticism is the inadequate funding from the 10th European Development Fund (EDF), amounting to 2.2 million Euros per country for development/adjustment.Finally, the regional preference granted to the DR has also created some disquiet. In essence, any preference granted by one Caricom member to another must include the DR. This has created a very beneficial windfall for the DR that is still negotiating outstanding items in its trade agreement with Caricom.

We await the EPA Implementation Plan being developed by the Caricom Secretariat. Hopefully, it should indicate the way forward for Cariforum by unravelling the many complexities contained in this first ever treaty of indefinite duration, and selecting those items of concern for eventual review with the EC.

Guyana- Jamaica Rice Spat

Guyana - Jamaica Rice Spat

Source: Trinidad and Tobago Express

May 7, 2008

WHEN writing in this column two weeks ago on the scrambling by Caribbean Community governments to face up to the challenges of a deepening international food crisis, little did I realise that Jamaica and Guyana were heading for a serious row over Caricom's Common External Tariff (CET) as it relates to Guyanese rice shipments to the Jamaican market.

People in Trinidad and Tobago may be indulging in bantering over Agriculture Minister Arnold Piggott's surprise to hear that this country is also affected by a "food crisis''. Perhaps Piggott should have a chat with his boss, Prime Minister Patrick Manning, who is now seemingly anxious to release arable lands for increased food production.

For sure, Jamaica's threat to override Guyana's resistance to a standing 25 per cent suspension of the CET to enable it to import rice at more favourable prices from outside Caricom is no laughing matter.

Guyana has for years been and remains Caricom's single largest producer and exporter of rice for the regional market. Rice is one of the commodities protected by the CET against unauthorised imports from extra-regional competitors who benefit from significant subsidies at home.

Jamaica's Minister of Industry and Commerce, Karl Samuda, has warned that his government would not sit idly while Guyana defaults on rice shipments to his country (some 52,000 tonnes were shipped in 2007), and especially since the commodity could be obtained on a dependable basis at lower prices from non-regional sources.

Competitive sources for subsidised rice exports to this region have largely been the US and Thailand against which Caricom producers like Guyana and Suriname cannot afford to compete. Hence, the protection of the CET as a mechanism to prevent unfair competition to the detriment of a local industry.

Trinidad and Tobago, now reportedly again contemplating the possibility of commercial rice production, has recorded its own past failures to get a waiver of the CET to permit importation from extra-regional exporters of parboiled rice normally purchased from Guyana.

In the circumstances, it is difficult to see how Caricom's Council for Trade and Economic Development (COTED), the body that maintains oversight on the application of the CET, can possibly allow Jamaica's quest for a suspension.

Guyana's Agriculture Minister, Robert Persaud, has already publicly signalled to Minister Samuda that his country was certainly in no mood to endorse the suspension of the CET.

This, Persaud contends, would be to consciously work against "not only our own national interest in a very vital sector, but also undermine the very mechanism, the CET, we have established in the wider interest of the economies of Caricom...''

Strong stand indeed. The Guyanese minister must also be aware that just recently Trinidad Cement Ltd (TCL), with production operations also in Guyana, has found it necessary to refer to the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) a dispute it has with the Guyana government for an alleged failure to impose the CET against non-Caricom suppliers of cement for the local market.

Guyana has accused TCL of having defaulted on arrangements to satisfy the demands of the local market, Consequently, it has decided to defend the legal action to be pursued by TCL before the CCJ.

For its part, Jamaica has also been claiming defaults in rice shipments from Guyana. The Guyanese private sector - producers and exporters - as well as the government, have denied this claim. They have countered that Jamaica was engaged in "misrepresentations'' in order to secure sources of foreign rice supplies at prices disadvantageous to Guyana's rice industry and national economy.

This latest spat over rice shipments between Guyana and Jamaica is expected to engage the attention of COTED.

Parties to any trade dispute pertaining to the functioning of the CET under the revised Caricom Treaty are free to access the CCJ, if dissatisfied with a decision by COTED. The CCJ has original jurisdiction on trade disputes within Caricom and its ruling is binding.

Article 83 of the Caricom Treaty makes clear that the criteria for a suspension of the CET has nothing to do with comparative prices for a foreign sourced commodity but its availability, as required, and approved quality of the Caricom product.

Whatever the outcome of this "rice spat'' it is simply one aspect of widening pressures being experienced by the region's economic integration movement and generated by the escalating worldwide food crisis.

History of West Indian Federation Effort

Remembering a four-year exercise in futility
KEEBLE McFARLANE
Saturday, April 26, 2008
Source- Jamaica Observer

To many of us who were around at the time, it seemed like a great idea - all the British colonies in the Caribbean region banding together in a federation, the better to chart their future. After all, isn't unity more desirable than operating separately? Aren't some of the most successful countries in the world federations? Wouldn't we be able to have much more clout in the world with a unified voice rather than as a collection of micro-states? Wouldn't our economic affairs be much more efficient?

Well, 50 years ago this week, it happened - the Parliament of the Federation of the West Indies was inaugurated in Port of Spain with Princess Margaret representing the Queen.

The federation came into being on January 3, 1958, and an election was held on March 25. The West Indies Federal Labour Party, made up of Norman Manley's PNP, Eric Williams's PNM and the urban-based parties in the eight other islands handily won the election, with the Democratic Labour Party, led by Bustamante's JLP and the rural-based parties throughout the islands, as the much smaller Opposition. Grantley Adams of Barbados was the first (and only) prime minister, and Britain sent out a career Conservative politician, Patrick Buchan-Hepburn, to serve as governor-general. He was a baron, and we knew him as Lord Hailes.

The idea of a federation of the British Caribbean territories was not a new one - it had been kicked around for years. The first serious consideration, though, took place at a conference in Montego Bay in 1947. It was attended by delegates from Barbados, British Guiana, British Honduras, the Leeward Islands, Trinidad and Tobago, and the Windward Islands. The conference voted to accept the principle of political federation and struck a committee to examine the possibilities and to draft a constitution. The committee submitted its report to a second conference held in London, and it was circulated to all the legislatures for their consideration.

With some reservations, all the legislatures, except those of British Guiana, British Honduras and the British Virgin Islands, accepted it. The final decision on federation came out of a third conference in London in 1956. It left open the possibility of the reluctant territories to join later. After that came prolonged and difficult discussions about where the capital should be situated. They chose Chaguaramas in Trinidad, but that didn't work since the US had a naval base there. The idea was soon abandoned and Port of Spain stood in as the capital.

One Commonwealth country which showed considerable interest in the new federation was Canada, which itself began as a confederation of former colonies with large tracts of unknown territories added later. It contributed two merchant ships, the Federal Palm and the Federal Maple, which visited all the islands twice a month. When the federation was dissolved not long after it was born, the ships continued their rounds for a while, then seemed to disappear without a trace.

Despite the good intentions and the efforts of many, the federation was doomed from the start. For one thing, the constituent territories had each developed in its own way, with varying degrees of cooperation commingled with large dollops of suspicion and insularity. Jamaica, the biggest territory by far, and separated from the eastern string by 1500 kilometres of water, was the most suspicious. Its leaders, Manley and Bustamante, did not personally enter federal politics, and Trinidad's Eric Williams stayed away as well.

In addition, the British created a weak government structure, with the governor general having executive, rather than mere ceremonial powers. Money was a serious problem - the budgets of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago were both larger than the federal budget, and all the territories remained as separate entities, able, for instance, to hide behind tariff walls against other members of the federation. Contrast this with the present-day European Community, which has a high degree of cooperation and commonality.

The differences and divisions very quickly began to fester, and by 1960 the JLP began agitating against the federation. Bustamante and his cohorts kept the heat on, and in 1961 Manley asked his compatriots for their opinion. The campaign was a contrast between the concepts of the two parties. Manley and the PNP discussed the merits of joining with others to work towards the goal of eventual independence, which he had promoted from his first entry into politics in the late 1930s. Bustamante and the JLP, on the other hand, appealed to the basic concerns of the poor - "Can you eat federation?" In the end, it was no contest - the "No" side won a decisive 54 per cent in the referendum on September 19, 1961. The event was special for me, as I served as a presiding officer at a polling station located at my home.

Britain had proposed in 1961 that the federation should become independent the next year, but the idea was now moot. The vote was followed by a flurry of talks among the leaders of the remaining territories, but these soon came to naught, and Williams was strongly re-elected in December of that year. He declared that "ten minus one is nought", and followed Jamaica's lead in going it alone. Formal independence came to both countries in August of 1962, and the others were left to fend for themselves.

About the only solid regional entity remaining is the university, which had been set up long before all this anyway. The cricket team had long preceded the federation, and all the endeavours since then, such as Caricom, have come up against the same insular attitudes and distrust. The Caribbean Court of Justice is a perfectly logical and intelligent idea, but, as we have witnessed, it has been having a very difficult time getting airborne. Part of the unease among Jamaicans in this regard can be attributed to the underlying suspicion that this could be a form of federation by the back door. When I first went to Toronto and began working for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, I met an older editor who had been correspondent in Bonn and London.

He used to joke that the Secretary of State for the Colonies of the day, Duncan Sandys, had the habit of inviting colonial leaders to London and locking them in a room until they agreed to form a federation. Several were formed, including the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the East African Federation (Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika). The only one of note to have survived is Malaysia, after Singapore seceded soon after it began.
keeble.mack@sympatico.ca

Let the People Decide

Jamaicans will decide on regional integration, says PM

Source: Caribbean Net News
Published on Friday, April 11, 2008

Print Version

KINGSTON, Jamaica (OPM):

Prime Minister Bruce Golding said only the people of Jamaica can decide if the country should enter into a unified political structure with the rest of the region. His comments were made on Tuesday, during a courtesy call at Jamaica House by Stuart Jack, Governor of the Cayman Islands.

In responding to a question from Jack about the pace of Caribbean integration, Golding said there is a limit to which any region can integrate without having a political structure. He said however that the decision as to how that political structure will derive its legitimate authority rests ultimately with the people of the region.

Jamaica's Prime Minister Bruce Golding. JIS Photo"If we are going to invest in a sovereign authority, only the people can decide," Golding stated. He said the process of integration has been moving along very slowly, especially with regards to the free movement of skilled nationals. He said Jamaica is the only country where the system seems to have worked, adding that a lack of capacity may be one of the reasons it has not worked in others.

He cited the Economic Partnership Agreement and the staging of Cricket World Cup in 2007 as examples of how regional cooperation has worked. He said much more could be achieved especially in the area of security. Turning to US/Caribbean relations, Golding said there is a feeling that the United States has been distracted from its interest in the region by events unfolding in emerging democracies, as well as the war in Iraq.

He said it is hoped that there will be an enlightened approach to the region as a whole and not just towards Cuba, where there was a recent change in leadership. Golding expressed the view that Cuba should be brought into the mainstream of the international fold as there are structures within the United Nations to deal with contending issues. He said now was the time for the region to hold hands and engage in deeper collaboration, as there was enough wealth that could be generated for all countries. He said Jamaica will be seeking to expand its cooperation with Cuba outside of those areas in which both countries are already engaged.

Region Losing Speed to CSME

Region losing speed to CSME

Published on: 3/16/08.
by: RICKEY SINGH

Source: Nation Newspaper - Barbados

AFTER LAST WEEK'S 19th Inter-Sessional Meeting of Caribbean Community (CARICOM) leaders in The Bahamas, it seems that CARICOM is losing speed in advancing arrangements for the realisation of the promised single economic space by 2015.

There is a growing perception that amid all the intense paperchase associated with rounds and rounds of technical, ministerial and Heads of Government meetings, there continues to be a yawning gap between official assurances and decisions and actual implementation results.

While the ministerial and Heads of Government meetings continue to reflect a spirit of camaraderie the question is whether they are really singing from the same hymn sheet at on specific regional issues.

Like, for instance, crime and security; effective governance (an issue that cannot continue to ignore the need for an administrative mechanism, empowered with executive authority); regional air and sea transportation and, of course, transformation of the region's agriculture sector with a focus on poverty reduction, enhancing food security and job creation.

It is disappointing to note that the multiplicity of meetings, involving valuable time and money, do not seem to be producing the quality of results normally envisioned in the public rhetoric of the leaders.

Nor would it have escaped attention that at the opening session of last week's Nassau summit, the Community's Secretary General, Edwin Carrington, himself felt constrained to sound a warning that the deadline for inauguration of the CSME, seven years from now, may not be met as there are member governments lagging behind in required readiness-arrangements.

Such concerns were previously expressed by others, among them former Barbados Prime Minister, Owen Arthur who until two months ago, had been shouldering for some 14 years CSME-readiness responsibility. This responsibility is now assumed by his successor, David Thompson.

This worrying scenario exists in the face of no known new initiatives to get the establishment of a long promised CARICOM Commission on track, or some similar administrative mechanism to help improve governance of the Community's business.

Then came last week a puzzling declaration from Jamaica's Prime Minister, Bruce Golding, during the Nassau meeting. He resorted to that familiar refrain of past leaders of the Jamaica Labour Party he currently heads: "There is no interest by us (Jamaica) in political union," he said.

Truth is, political union remains taboo within CARICOM--as it has been since the collapse of the short-lived West Indies Federation in 1962. It is not an agenda item for any CARICOM Heads of Government Conference. Most member governments even continue to betray timidity to sever relations with the Privy Council and access, instead, the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) as their court of last resort.

Of immediate concern, however, about Golding's unnecessary warning on the "ole' talk" on political unity, is that he should have expediently linked this far-fetched development with current efforts to achieve a single economic space through the CSME.

He said that juncture could be the moment for Jamaica's withdrawal (under his JLP administratin of course) from the process because it would also require political integration and, he said, ""once you get there, we have to get off because we are under a mandate that we are not going there . . .".

The crucial question is whether Golding's government is likely to rock the CSME boat when the Community reaches the crucial stage of having to make tough decisions that would involve some measure of devolution of national sovereignty by ALL to give life to the laudable goal of ushering in a common economic space.

At present arrangements are being made for a "special meeting" of Community leaders in Port-of-Spain next month to deal with crime. It also appears that different strokes are being played on different occasions by some, while all leaders keep reassuring us of their "commitment" to make a reality of the policies and programmes of CARICOM.

For example, there is this curious development – as announced from Washington, with no prior signal from the Nassau Summit – of three new CARICOM prime ministers being invited for a White House talk with President George Bush on Thursday. They are Barbados' David Thompson; Belize's Deane Barrow and The Bahamas' Hubert Ingraham (current chairman of CARICOM).

Last June 20, however, there was a full house of CARICOM Heads of Government who had a meeting in Washington with President Bush at the United States State Department as part of a "Conference on the Caribbean".

Caricom Integration and Caricom Sovereignty

Caricom integration and Caricom sovereignty
Source: Stabroek News
Wednesday, March 26th 2008

A recent comment, and an apparently negative decision by the newly-elected Prime Minister of Jamaica, Mr Bruce Golding give pause for thought on the trajectory of the regional integration movement. This is particularly so given the elaborate publicity given by Heads of Government in recent times to the establishment of the Caribbean Single Market, and to the decision to finalise implementation of the Single Economy by 2015.

Mr Golding is quoted as saying, during the recently-held Caricom Heads of Government in Nassau, Bahamas, that to the extent that the establishment of the Single Economy necessitated the creation of a common economic space, and this in turn required some form of "political integration", "once you get there, we have to get off because we are under a mandate that we are not going there ". This followed an earlier statement by the Prime Minister, when asked about recent statements emanating from the Prime Ministers of Trinidad and Tobago and St Vincent and the Grenadines about possibilities for some form of political union involving their countries, that "there is no interest by us [Jamaica] in political union".

The apparent negative decision referred to above was what seems to be a clear indication given by Mr Golding after his election, that the recommendations by a Caricom-established Working Group on the Governance of the Caricom integration process were not favoured by Jamaica. These recommendations, including the establishment of a Caricom Commission intended to facilitate not only decision-implementation, but the preparatory processes for Caricom's involvement in international negotiations, seem to have been perceived by the Prime Minister as impinging on the sovereignty of Jamaica.

The proposals have had their origins not only in the 1992 West Indian Commission's report "Time for Action", but in the so-called "Rose Hall Declaration" of Heads of Government in 2003 which designated the Caricom integration process as being based on a "Community of Sovereign States". And it was widely believed at the time that the then Government of Jamaica (led by Mr P J Patterson) was a prime mover behind this formulation, designed to put to rest any notion that the Caricom economic integration process was on its way to becoming a form of political union or political integration system.

The effect of Mr Golding's statements and actions in this regard appear to re-open a hornets' nest which many had thought closed. For it would surely be hard to find one Head of Government in Caricom who would believe that Jamaica could be dragged, openly or stealthily, into any political integration with the rest of the membership of the Caricom. After all, for one thing they have been well drilled for some forty years and more into Jamaica's views on this matter; and for another, it is well known that today the membership of Caricom includes the Bahamas, which has long indicated that it would not, given the nature of its economy, wish to participate in the single market and economy, and the Republic of Haiti with a constitutional, political and legal system so different from all the other members.

It could be said, perhaps, that Golding's responses were a sort of knee-jerk reaction to a sensitive issue in Jamaica and that slamming it as hard as possible, as early as possible, would give clarity to friends and foes in his country. But his linkage of the Single Market and Economy with possible political integration at this time seems curious, especially as the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas establishing the CSME passed through the Parliament of Jamaica when his Jamaica Labour Party was in the opposition, and there does not seem to have been any indication then of the party's hostility to the CSME.

Observers of the integration movement have been long aware that the JLP, particularly under the long leadership of former Prime Minister Seaga, had doubts about the long-term relevance of the Caribbean Common Market to Jamaica; and it is worth noting that on the conclusion of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union, Mr Seaga expressed the view in one of the Jamaican newspapers that the EPA was a now much preferred alternative to the CSME as a future facilitator of Jamaica's economic development. (In this article Seaga also virtually "dissed" the Caribbean Basin Initiative of which he was the original protagonist). Mr Golding has long been seen as an intellectual prot of Mr Seaga, in spite of periodic political differences between them.

Both Mr Seaga and Mr Golding know that in the doldrums in which the Jamaican economy has found itself over the last many years, Jamaican entrepreneurs have had to accept the leadership of Trinidad and Tobago in a process of regional, financial and commercial integration which has involved the purchase of many Jamaican enterprises by Trinidadian entrepreneurs. There is undoubtedly a certain resentment of this in Jamaica, that country, particularly in the 1960s and early 1970s, being seen as leaders in the import-substitution manufacturing process, and in the establishment of indigenous private financial institutions. This kind of resentment boiled over a year or so ago, when it turned out that Trinidad would have to renege on its arrangement to supply Jamaica with LNG (liquefied natural gas), designed to further Jamaica's industrial transformation of its bauxite reserves. And it was accompanied by complaints about the large trade gap, in Jamaica's favour, between the two countries. So the ground for political dissonance is fertile.

But the question that must arise for other Caricom countries is to what extent the Region is ready to accept that, as the diplomats say, pacta sunt servanda: agreements are intended to be kept. There is already a widespread perception outside of the Region (though our political leaders may be hesitant to believe it) that Caricom states have become practiced in the taking and then subsequent postponement of decisions "sine die"(without a designated date, as we say on the adjournment of our parliaments). And we have to surmise that that is one of the reasons for the recent determination of the European Union to virtually force us to sign an EPA agreement on the dotted line before a new year dawned. But that is another story.

Those recent EPA negotiations have, once again, brought home to us that the world is not willing to wait while we engage in our dilatory habits. Mr Golding has observed that the days of preferences are over, and that, in effect, those who yearn for the good old days are living in a dream world. He has not said, or perhaps realized given his recent return to office, that the experience of some of his colleagues is that the days of a Caricom Secretariat machinery basically unchanged since the days of CARIFTA, are also over; and that many of those with whom we have negotiated towards an EPA, are convinced of this.

His hiding behind Jamaica's sovereignty on the issue of the establishment of a modern Caricom implementation system - a Caricom Commission with effective powers - will surely impress none of our external interlocutors, especially when they know that Jamaica, like some other Caricom countries, has handed over decision-making and implementation on security and crime to persons from one EU government, the United Kingdom. For what is more representative of a country's sovereignty than its indigenous ability to ensure the security of its citizens?

It is to be hoped that the very issue of working out a collective approach to security and crime, for which Trinidad is now asking, will induce our leaders to come back again to the issue of appropriate governance, and the relationship between national sovereignty and collective sovereignty in this age of open borders and open markets mandated by the processes of globalization and regionalization. The large countries, be they those of Europe, or a country of fierce nationalism like Mexico, have had to do this. And as Dr Eric Williams once said, "If the sheik could play, who is we?"

Four CARICOM countries consider political union

Four CARICOM countries consider political union
Source: Caribbean360.com
PORT-OF-SPAIN, Trinidad, March 03, 2008

A political union involving four southern Caribbean states is up for consideration, and one of the leaders involved in the possible integration has indicated that a study to determine whether the move is possible will first be undertaken.

St. Vincent and the Grenadines Prime Minister, Ralph Gonsalves said he was looking forward to a union with fellow Caribbean Community (CARICOM) states, Trinidad and Tobago, Grenada and possibly St. Lucia. Speaking to members of the press at the end of a two-day visit to the twin-island republic over the weekend, Mr Gonslaves noted that any political union between countries must be structured in some formal institutional arrangements, and indicated that former St. Lucia prime minister Dr. Vaughan Lewis, and Trinidadian diplomat Dr. Cuthbert Joseph will be approached to carry out a study on the matter.

"All of us know we cannot continue the way in which we have been going, but yet we don't want to think outside the boundaries of our individual sea and landscape. It is as though we believe we are immune to all the social laws of history," the Vincentian leader said. "For my part, the words political union are not bad words."

Meantime, Trinidad's Prime Minister Patrick Manning said his country stood firm on its position that greater unity is a must for the Caribbean region. He said a political union was therefore welcomed.

"We welcome political integration in the Caribbean and we make ourselves available for discussions on this matter and we will be part of any discussions that will advance that course," he said.

"As it now stands the promising movement that is emerging in the Caribbean is a movement in the southern Caribbean involving Trinidad and Tobago, Grenada, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and hopefully St. Lucia and it will be to that cause of integration in respect of which these four countries are discussing that we will discuss our efforts."

CARICOM & EPA Negotiations

Caricom 'carry go bring come'
Wednesday, February 27, 2008

Source: Jamaica Observer

Tomorrow, the Caribbean Community (Caricom) member states will assemble in Kingston to spend two days in a retreat on the conduct of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations. This is hard to believe.

The meeting is further evidence that the tradition of complacency about preparing for the future continues to be well-established in Caricom and appears to be in no danger of being replaced by a proactive approach towards inevitable economic change.

The resistance to facing reality is well illustrated by the inexcusable postponement of the restructuring of the sugar and banana industries. This delay has reduced the prospects for attaining international competitiveness and for orderly restructuring.

The recently completed EPA negotiations with the European Union is an opportunity to take a strategic approach to the future economic development of the region. Yet nothing, that we know of, has been done to plan the implementation of the EPA to allow the exporters of goods and services to seize the opportunities in a market of 450 million consumers.

Instead of focusing on implementation, Caricom is devoting time and scarce money to reviewing the structure and process of the EPA negotiations. This is not the best use of the tight human and financial resources of the region. The negotiations are over, and the structure and process of the negotiations, from the ministerial to the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM), have produced an EPA. It is the most complex and comprehensive pact which the region has embarked upon. And it is the only one of its kind, as no other ACP region was able to complete one. The institutional arrangements which accomplished this cannot be all bad. The old adage is relevant: If it aint broke, don't fix it.

What is more important is for the governments of the region to move quickly to complete their national review and approval process. The Caricom Secretariat must produce a plan and schedule for implementation as Jamaica's Prime Minister Bruce Golding requested in early January. This should include consideration of the establishment of an EPA implementation unit similar to the CSME Unit, while the CRNM continues with the ongoing and planned negotiations, such as those with Canada.

We urge Caricom to dismiss any proposal that the function of external negotiations should be resumed by its secretariat, given the respective performances of the two institutions. It's no secret that the secretariat is less able to undertake external trade negotiations now than when it was necessary to create the CRNM over 10 years ago. Surely, memories cannot be that short.

Regrettably, while Caricom is fiddling, it is jeopardising the opportunity to commence the negotiations with Canada, which were first mooted seven years ago and revitalised by the joint Canada-Caricom decision during Prime Minister Harper's visit to Barbados last year.

It is understandable that the region could not start while it was fully absorbed in the EPA negotiations. But since mid-December, there has been no engagement with Canada. Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic, Central America and the developing countries that compete with Caricom are clamouring to negotiate with Canada.

Enough of this Caricom 'carry go bring come'.

Barbados and CARICOM Integration

Barbados and the integration movement
Source: Stabroek
Wednesday, January 23rd 2008

As with elections in other countries of the Region, it is natural that the question should be asked as to whether, with the change of government in Barbados, there will be any change in the attitude of the new Democratic Labour Party administration to the regional integration movement.

Former Prime Minister Owen Arthur played a substantial role in bringing the Caricom Single Market and Economy to formal completion. He used his skills as a professional economist to ensure that progress was made steadily. And he utilized his own commitment to the necessity for a CSME to keep other governments on the path to keeping their own commitments to its implementation.

In periodic speeches throughout the Region, Mr Arthur constantly elaborated the rationale for hastening the implementation to a single market, emphasizing that the process of global economic liberalization would not wait for the Region to march to its own beat. Arthur well understood that timely adjustment to liberalization trends was a prerequisite to a beneficial adjustment to the free trade arrangements which the Region was being offered in the 1990's, whether that of the Free Trade Area of the Americas or the European Union's innovation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement to replace the Lome/Cotonou Conventions.

There is no doubt that the conclusion of Arthur's government, that Barbados would have to systematically embark on the path of creating a largely services economy, was the mainspring of his commitment to the rapid creation of a CSME. He clearly saw that in spite of the historic contribution of the sugar industry to the economy of Barbados, and indeed the economies of other countries, it would no longer play its traditional role. Therefore while recognizing short-term considerations, the emphasis in negotiating the REPA, for example, should not be, from a long term point of view, on maintaining the protection arrangements for sugar and other agricultural commodities, but on the services industries and other so-called "sunrise" (as against "sunset") industries.

In taking on the role of "lead Prime Minister" responsible for the implementation of the CSME, Arthur also forced an innovation in the Caricom institutional system, in decentralizing its operations from its Georgetown headquarters, through the creation of a special CSME office in Bridgetown. In that way he could have direct oversight of the process.

It was fortuitous too, that Arthur's Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, Billie Miller, took on a leading role in both the REPA negotiating process as well as in the negotiations towards the still unattained Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Arthur had inherited from the previous Democratic Labour Party government of Erskine Sandiford, the commitment to a focus, in the international sphere, on the need for special consideration of the needs and requirements of small states. The Barbados Declaration on Small Island States (SIDS) therefore provided Arthur with a base for operating as Chairperson of the special Commonwealth Secretariat/World Bank group in the second half of the 1990's, to advocate for the special requirements of Caribbean states in changing international attitudes to economic aid.
From that perspective, it seems unlikely that the new Democratic Labour Party government of Mr David Thompson, will veer much from these orientations. True, in recent times, there has been controversy in Barbados as to whether that country should accept the implications of the economic globalization process and accept foreign (in particular Trinidad and Tobago) acquisition of Barbadian commercial and financial operations.

Arthur seemed to stick to his guns in emphasizing that this was a necessary aspect of acceptance, not only of the inevitability of international liberalization, but of the logic of the CSME itself. At times recently, Thompson's DLP appeared to take a more protectionist view on this issue. But one suspects that as time goes on, the new Prime Minister will probably adopt what has seemed to be Arthur's view: that it is unwise to interfere too substantially in an economic process which appears to have a worldwide, rather than simply Barbadian, logic.
For it has seemed to be his view also, that in playing for a Barbadian private sector presence in the wider regional economic space that is projected to develop, one could not at the same time adopt a protectionist position in respect of the resources of the Barbadian economic space. (Barbadian economic interests, for example, have for some time had a substantial presence in some of the OECS countries).

The orientation of the DLP's electoral campaign seemed to concentrate more on local or domestic matters than on indicating its attitude to regional matters. The DLP seemed to spot that Arthur's Achilles heel lay in not appreciating popular anxieties on matters like housing and the rising cost of living. But oddly enough, last week the Inter American Development Bank announced a substantial loan to Barbados for housing. And in respect of the cost of living issue, Arthur seemed to take the view that in the context of an open economy like Barbados, there was a limit, again, to the kind of protectionist policies one could adopt. The hurried special Heads of Government consultation undertaken at the initiative of the Grenada Prime Minister, did not, in the circumstances, do much to assuage popular feelings. The domestic and international aspects of this problem are now on Thompson's plate.

In general, then, we expect that after a certain period spent on concentration on local arrangements, the new government will largely continue in the path set by Arthur's approach in the last nearly fifteen years.

The DLP inherits the pro-integration traditions of its founder Errol Barrow, one of the initiators of the Caribbean Free Trade Area (CARIFTA) process. Thompson will face the same issues as Arthur in respect of an appropriate approach to regional and global economic liberalization ;by an open economy. And we expect that his new Foreign Minister, Chris Sinkler, a leader in the Caribbean non-governmental organizations (NGO's) process advocating better conditions for the Caribbean in international trade, will carry that preoccupation with him into the making of government policy.

Barbados's leadership in the sphere of the special needs for small island developing states, is therefore likely to continue. And certainly as part of that, it is reasonable to expect that the emphasis on the creation of an effective regional economic space, as the base for playing in the international economic sphere, will also continue.

Commissioners of CARICOM Competiton Commision

Source: CARICOM Secretariat, Guyana

Jan. 22, 2008

Fireworks lit up the Paramaribo sky late on Friday afternoon, 18, January shortly after Dr. Kusha Haraksingh, a national of Trinidad and Tobago was sworn in as Chairman of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Competition Commission.

Dr Haraksingh and his six fellow Commissioners took the oath of office, administered by the Chairman of the Regional Judicial and Legal Services Commission, the Honourable Mr Justice Michael de la Bastide at the Commission’s headquarters in Paramaribo, Suriname. President of the Republic of Suriname His Excellency Drs Runaldo Venetiaan and CARICOM Secretary-General His Excellency Edwin Carrington were among a host of dignitaries who witnessed the swearing-in and participated in the ceremony marking the inauguration of the Commission.
Dr Haraksingh, an economist, historian and lawyer, is the Head of the Department of History, at the University of the West Indies (UWI), St Augustine campus. He holds a BA in History, an LLB from the University of London and a PhD in Economic History. Dr Haraksingh was the Lead Negotiator for Legal and Institutional Issues during the recently concluded negotiations between the Caribbean Forum of African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States (CARIFORUM) and the European Union for an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). He is also the Lead Consultant, Sugar Association of the Caribbean and an Associate Fellow of the Institute of International Relations, UWI.

The other Commissioners are:
• Attorney-at-law, Patterson Keith Herman Cheltenham, QC of Barbados, who possesses extensive experience in Insurance, Administrative and Labour Laws as well as the Law of Trust. He has also had the benefit of specialised training in Taxation, Company Law and Insurance Law. Mr Cheltenham holds the Master of Laws and is a member of the Bars of Barbados, Saint Lucia and St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

• Economist Dr. Trevor Michael Augustine Farrell of Trinidad and Tobago, who is also a business consultant and senior Lecturer in Economics at UWI, St Augustine. He holds a PhD in Economics and has more than 15 years experience as a consultant in various fields including agro-industry, airport management, banking, export development, public utilities, tourism, oil and gas and stock exchange operations.

• Mr. Hans Rudolf Lim A Po of Suriname, who is the Rector-Dean of the FHR Lim A Po Institute for Social Studies. His expertise includes economics, law, competition policy and practice, management and governance. He holds the Master of Laws degree from the University of Leyden in the Netherlands, and has lectured in law at the University of Suriname. Mr Lim A Po’s majors were Civil and Corporate Law and Corporate Finance.

• Economist Dr Maureen Paul of Dominica who holds a PhD in Economics from Warwick University and a Postgraduate certificate in Competition Policy. She is an Economic Advisor to the UK Office of Fair Trading working on competition policy in the UK and European Union markets. Dr Paul focuses on applied micro and macro-economics and in particular applied micro econometrics. She also specialises in transfer pricing and has managed several global transfer pricing projects involving multiple countries.

• Attorney-at-law Dr Barton Umax Adolphus Scotland of Guyana is in private practice in the areas of National Resources and Investment Law, Negotiations and International Law. He holds a Master of Laws degree and a PhD in International Law. Dr Scotland is a member of the Bars of Guyana, Barbados, St Kitts and Nevis and England and Wales.

• Attorney-at-Law Ambassador A.B. Stewart Stephenson of Jamaica who is the General Manager of the Factories Corporation of Jamaica. His fields of expertise are finance, law, competition policy and practice and international trade. Ambassador Stephenson holds both a BSc degree in Management Studies and an LLB from the University of the West Indies, and has been both Jamaica’s Consul General to Toronto and Ambassador to Cuba. He has also lectured on Securities at the Jamaican Institute of Management.

The Commissioners are appointed for a period of five years and their appointments may be renewed for a further period of up to five years.

The Commission, a key Institution in support of the CARICOM Single Market (CSME) and Economy, was established by Article 171 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas and is responsible for enforcement of the Community Rules of Competition which in the main prohibit agreements, decisions, and concerted parties whose objective or effect is to frustrate competition and abuse a dominant position in the market.

Its main functions within the CSME are to apply the rules of competition, promote and protect competition, co-ordinate the implementation of Competition Policy, monitor anti-competitive business conduct, promote establishment of national Competition Institutions and harmonisation of Competition Law as well as to advise the Council for Trade and Economic Development on Competition and Consumer Protection policies.

CONTACT; piu@caricom.org

Competition Commision Inaugurated

CCC to protect regional consumer and business interests
Published on Monday, January 21, 2008
Print Version

Source: Caribbean Net News Suriname

With an emphasis on consumer protection, fair trade and actions against anti-competition business conduct in the region, the CARICOM Competition Commission (CCC) was inaugurated in Suriname on Friday. The inauguration of the CCC marks a significant milestone on the road to fulfill the ambition of the region in creating a situation in which all the peoples of the Caribbean are able to enjoy the full benefits of the deepening of our integration movement, said Dr. Kusha Haraksingh, chairman of the newly established institution.

The headquarters of the CARICOM Competition Commission (CCC) which were inaugurated Friday in Paramaribo, Suriname.

According to Haraksingh, the region has been a crossover of various trading arrangements, where the benefits of “all these arrangements were not always indigenously claimed or locally enjoyed”. CARICOM, with the coming into being of the Single Market and Economy (CSME), will now embark on a trading regime where fairness stands at the center and where merit, efficiency and competitiveness will prevail.

Several officials who addressed the audience noted the importance of fair trade and proper business behaviour by companies in order for national economies and the region as a whole to realise welfare and economic growth. “Overall we aim to have more efficient and dynamic markets and stronger economies,” said Suriname's president, Dr Ronald Venetiaan.

The main objective of CARICOM’s competition policy is to ensure that the benefits expected from CSME are not marginalised by anti-competitive business conduct. Since the private sector has become increasingly important, said Venetiaan, governments in the region are doing their best to remove certain barriers and “other impediments to economic growth”.

However instruments are necessary to prevent or counter tendencies among businesses and enterprises such as cartels, price fixing, quantity limiting and bid rigging, Venetiaan warned. He also warned against abuse of dominant market position by established enterprises. “The CCC will ensure a level playing field for all players: big and small,” said the president. The commission further has to promote and sustain competition in the markets to ensure free trade and to protect the interests of consumers.

According to CARICOM secretary general Dr Edwin Carrington, the inauguration ceremony was a culmination of almost four years of planning, consultations and negotiations after Suriname in 2004 proposed to headquarter the CCC.

Envisioned as a vital institution within the CARICOM system, the CCC should particularly focus on “fostering efficiency in the market place” and also on education, active application of competition laws, dispute settlement among competitors and prevention of abuse of dominant positions by entrepreneurs. To perform these tasks, said Carrington, the Commission should therefore have powers to monitor the markets, initiate investigations and impose penalties if necessary.

The CCC will also contribute to the strengthening of national capabilities to develop due competition and consumer protection policies. “The future economic development of our community will be essentially market-driven and the CCC is not only necessary, but indispensable,” said the secretary general.

With Dr Haraksingh, Hans Lim A Po (Suriname), Patterson Keith Herman Cheltenham (Barbados), Trevor Michael Augustine Farrell (Trinidad and Tobago), Maureen Paul (Dominica), Barton Umax Adolphus Scotland (Guyana) and A. B. Stewart Stephenson (Jamaica) were sworn in as commissioners by Justice Michael de la Bastide, chairman of the Regional Judicial and Legal Service Commission and president of the Caribbean Court of Justice.

The Commission was established under Chapter Eight of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, including the Single Market and Economy, to promote economic efficiency, competition and protection of consumers.

Inauguration Ceremony CARICOM's Competition Commission

Source: CARICOM Secretariat, Guyana

Jan. 14, 2008

Plans are well advanced for the Inauguration Ceremony of the Caribbean Community’s (CARICOM) Competition Commission, including the swearing in of the Commissioners, which takes place on Friday 19 January 2008 in Paramaribo, Suriname. The gala ceremony will be aired live via television throughout the Community and high level representatives are expected from the Member States of the Community.

The Commission is an integral part of the operations of the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) and is established under Article 171 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas. The Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community agreed at its 10th Special Meeting of the Conference in November 2004 in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago that the headquarters of the Commission would be in Suriname.

The need for the Commission arose out of the discussions among the framers of the Revised Treaty about the need for a Competition Policy to help regulate the operations of the CSME. This was to prevent attempts at preserving positions in national markets by frustrating competition both by national and non-national competitors, which could diminish the benefits expected from liberalisation and integration.

In order to avoid such occurrences, Chapter Eight of the Revised Treaty was negotiated to promote economic efficiency, competition and protection of consumers. The provisions of the chapter prohibit agreements, decisions and concerted practices and the abuse of dominant positions which are incompatible with the CSME. Although the Treaty provides for public and private monopolies, these are subject to the Rules on Competition.

The body set out in the Revised Treaty for enforcement of the Community Competition Rules is the Competition Commission. The seven-member Commission is appointed by the Regional Judicial and Legal Services Commission which will also appoint a Chairman from among the seven Commissioners. Their term of office is five years which can be renewed for a further period of not more than five years. Commissioners should, among other things, have expertise in commerce, finance, economics, law, competition policy and practice, international trade.

Translation of Official CARIFORUM Documents ( CRITI)

Source: CARICOM Secretariat, Guyana

Jan. 14, 2008

Caricom.org

The Caribbean Regional Information and Translation Institute (CRITI) will be launched in Suriname on Thursday 17 January 2008.

At the launch, the President of Suriname, His Excellency Runaaldo Venetiaan and the Secretary-General of the Caribbean Forum of ACP States (CARIFORUM), His Excellency Edwin Carrington will sign an Headquarters Agreement. The President and the Secretary-General are also expected to unveil a plaque on the premises to be used for the headquarters of the Institute in Paramaribo.

In July 2005, the CARIFORUM Council of Ministers agreed to establish and locate CRITI in Suriname. CRITI will translate official documents and provide information for the CARIFORUM Member States, Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Member States and the CARICOM Secretariat, other Regional Organisations and the private sector. CARIFORUM consists of the Member States of CARICOM plus the Dominican Republic and in its operations uses the official languages of all its Member States, English, French, Spanish and Dutch. Translation will, therefore, be provided into and out of these languages.

CRITI will facilitate official intra-CARIFORUM and intra-CARICOM communications at political and technical levels in the four (4) official languages of CARIFORUM. It will make the institutions of CARIFORUM and CARICOM, including the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ), more accessible to all citizens of CARICOM regardless of language through the provision of translation services. It will bring the institutions, organisations and official proceedings of the region closer to its citizens by providing records of deliberations and decisions in their respective native languages.

This Institute is being established at a time when trade expansion and the movement of capital and services will require information and translation services to be provided to the private sector to facilitate trade, commerce and investments.

CRITI will also offer a translation and information service to professional bodies, and the general public on a cost recovery basis as part of its long term sustainability strategy.

Source: caricom.org